Saturday, November 17, 2018

Life from The Bubble

“Home away from Home.” 28 March 2012
Who would not love the idea of living in a hotel? Having your room cleaned, the access to food whenever you ask for it, or just ring a ‘bell’ if you ever need some extra care. My experiences with living in a hotel next to Route 95, in Waltham, MA, were far from anyone’s perceptions of a resort life. I wasn’t received with a big bright smile, and a delightful tone, "Welcome to the Suites Inn" or “We hope you enjoy your stay,” like they do with their regular guests –face it Diana, you were part of that group: those who are usually being treated as if their misery is not enough to burden for them to be also judged by the society. It is shameful -or call it ignorance, that I used to be like those with such narrowed idea of what a homeless person must look like, especially if that person was a Latina single mom, until homelessness knocked of my door, and dragged me and my children into the 40% of the Hispanics who seek for shelter in Massachusetts on a single night.
Homelessness is a wide-world spread disease social problem that can affect anyone regardless of race, age, social status, and/or educational background. I learned this in 2011, after finding out that I was going to raise my [then] 4-year-old son and my [then] yet-to-be-born daughter as a single parent. Two weeks prior moving to “Room 206,” the one I used to call home, my son and I had to sleep on top of some folded blankets inside an empty Revere apartment, in the third floor of the same building my two-year-older sister used to live. She used to take the T to work when the sun raised to then come back in the sunset, leaving me with minimum to zero access to her stove or fridge, because her roommate-husband regularly “forgot” to leave the door unlocked for me and my children to come in. My meal for the entire day included a green or red apple, a turkey ham or chicken breast sandwich, a kiddy-size 2% chocolate milk or water, and sometimes crackers or a muffin -all part of the Project Bread Program during summer school vacation at a near local park. Michael and I used to share this lunch mainly because I was too embarrassed to ask for one for myself, and my small pregnant belly did not help me at all to prevent people to stop looking at me like I was ‘stealing’ some of my son’s food. When there were times I used to feel that sharing wasn’t satisfying my hunger, I stayed around for some few extra hours with the hope that I could sneakily send Michael to get me at least another apple.
It was a hot Tuesday morning when Michael and I walked five blocks towards the Department of Transitional Assistance, in Ocean Drive. With a suitcase in one hand and my little big boy on the other, I told myself, "The day has come." Today, we were so happy…me, due to just having thoughts of finally getting that goodnight-sleep my body begged me for two weeks, while Michael was air-driving one of his four Hot-Wheels cars, ready for his “Aventura.” The two and a half of us against this new world.
We arrived at the DTA a few minutes after 8:30 am, looking forward being translated to “any city within a 90-mile range,” just like my Latina social worker notified me around 3:00 pm. The same employee, whose name I cannot forget, feverishly shown me her unwillingness to do her duties and her eagerness to jump into conclusions when just three weeks before after almost exhausting her entire box of tissues when explaining that I was at risk of being homeless. In Spanish, I began listing my situation to her… “I’m expecting my second child and my baby’s father who lives in DR does not want to be involved… He wanted me to have an abortion, accused me of arruinarle su vida because I decided to keep our--my baby… I left my [native] country buscando un nuevo comienzo; a new beginning… and here, aqui I don’t feel safe, I had experienced sexual harassment coming from someone who supposed to be like un hermano…I have been sleeping en el piso…me duele tanto mi espalda… I really need a place to stay for me and my son… please, I really need your help.” Raising her right eyebrow and finally looking me in the eyes, she said, “So…you’re pregnant…again?” She went back to look down while continued filling some paperwork.
“I’ll call you in three or four days,” she concluded.
4:45 pm. Tuesday, July 12th, 2011. Internally, I was sobbing for missing today’s opportunity for having lunch at the park. “Your ride is outside,” said the sweetest and polite White lady who came from the password-controlled door on the right, that leads to the social workers’ cubicles. She was a total contradiction to most of the front desk personnel at this public office. I stood up from the chair in the now empty waiting area; placing her left hand on the back of my shoulder, she tells me, “You are going to Waltham -it’s a nice town; you’ll like it… it is a nice town.”  She walked with us to the elevator’ door and waved goodbye to Michael.
Outside, there was a white van waiting for me. With a list on his hands, the driver asked for my name, tells me to “hang in there a little bit more,” because the woman sitting in the back needed to be dropped first in a city near my destination. Oh well… a few more minutes won’t hurt me, and my stomach stopped its concert a while ago. Michael automatically fell asleep on top of my left lap, holding one of his little cars like a treasure. I was getting bored but excited at the same time, while the van driver only exchanged a few words throughout this ride; “how old is your baby,” and eventually, “you have arrived.”
Oh wow, a hotel... this would be interesting. A White, blond lady greeted me at the front desk, “Hi -Diana? Ok… Sign here, read here, and sign there… here is your key -DON’T lose it! Now follow him (a bellhop) to your room -good night!”
“Thank you,” I smiled and started following the young adult, also White with blond hair.
We walked down the hallway. On my right, a few women seating down chatting in the lounge area were eye-scanning my essence like if I was fresh meat in front of a wolf pack. Awkwardly intimidated, I quickly turned my face back to the front.
“Now we turn to the right [ok… he is talking to me like I talk to my son] and your room should be… right… here! This is the one,” said the bellhop.
“Is there anything you need to ask me or know?” he asked.
“May I have a cup of water…please?”
“Well, we don’t provide water or anything besides a continental breakfast from 6 to 8 am,” he looked at me puzzled by my question. Then, perhaps, he noticed or assumed that I did not carry any food with me. “But, don’t worry, I’m sure I won’t get into trouble with me doing that.” And off he went.
I stood at the door, just waiting patiently for him to come back. Michael went straight to the bed. In a few minutes, the bellhop returned with a 7oz cup of water. “Sorry, we don’t have bigger cups,” he said shamefully. Then, he walked away.
As soon as I closed the door, my journey began…
I could not stop the river down my eyes when I walked into Room 206, and saw a queen-size bed waiting just for me. It embraced me like no man have before. I didn’t mind going to bed without proper food on that day -at least I have a bed!! Some extra sheets… a pillow… ahh, comfort. The very next day, after having breakfast, Mmmm… English muffins with cream cheese, wheat toast with butter, apples and oranges, orange juice, and milk (I don’t drink coffee -so that’s that), Michael, his four cars, and I went to the patio. There were there females intoxicating their bodies, smoking some cigarettes. Minutes after Michael and I’s first expedition, I noticed some used needles near the courtyard shrubs. I assumed they were doing some vaccination campaign and forgot to correctly dispose of them (later on, an ally warned me of the real meaning).
More and more residents started getting out and mingling with each other. There, a group of White women dropping the F-bombs at each other in front of their children; over there, a couple of African Americans aggressively arguing with each other, “I F-kin’ told that M-F-ing n---a’ to stop talkin’ that F-whore;” near me, a Latina talking on her cell phone, “Esa maldita mujer del diablo no me ha llamado -no joda- yo he ido a ese maldito welfea’ tres mil veces ya, y nadie me atiende -ya llevo casi un año aqui y no se lo que pretenden…” And if you are Dominican, you know exactly how her complaints about the ‘welfare’ department would sound: “EsamalDItamujerdelDIABLOnomehallamado-nojoda- yoheidoaeseMalDItowelFEA’tresmilvecesya.” Then, I see a bunch children climbing some small trees -I see Michael running to one of the boys –and there he goes… and here he comes…crying? Ugh! He just lost his blue car.
“How did you lose your car?” I asked Michael in Spanish.
He (sniff-sniff) won’t (sniff) give (sniff-sniff) my car back to me!!”
Michael’s lack of English words and knowledge led him to lose the rest of his cards, all of them on the hand of one single boy who figured this out.
Day two, “Hey, you!! can I keep your car?”
Day three, “Hey, I’m keeping your car”
“Yes.” 
He had no idea of what this boy was asking, and the only English word he knew was not exactly the proper one in this situation.
Week one…week 10…week 30...week 48… Ugh! English muffins with cream cheese, wheat toast with butter, apples and oranges, orange juice, and milk… repeat. I had a Master in Microwave Culinary Arts. I became an expert in cooking chicken, rice, pasta, vegetables, you-name-it…How much I missed our delicious Bandera so much, I even used to have dreams of arroz con pollo and waking up to my reality.
Living with over 90 families, being exposed by incidents like I previously mentioned, conversations without filter, people fighting across the hallways, saying goodbyes to many of our shrubs because some extroverts wanted to play Adam and Eve under the moonlight, and having some non-homeless men-guests hitting on me because I  “deserve someone who would take me out of poverty,” gave me no other choice than placing myself and my children into a bubble that, for either good or bad, it became part of my life. But, then, I realized that despite all the negativity, it was up to me to choose staying inside my conform zone or helping others to see our situation as a learning experience because, “No hay mal que dure mil años, ni cuerpo que lo aguante.”
My perceptions of homeless individuals changed tremendously thanks to experiences in the Suites Inn. What began with me judging and criticizing all the homeless residents inside and outside this hotel, vanished when I stopped myself to meditate and realize that even those who seemed “tough” were often using their angry faces as a protection wall. Using my own experiences on homelessness I become more aware of the importance of not be feeding the stereotypes on homeless Latinas, single moms (with often being labeled as lazy, Welfare Queen, baby momma, Chapiadora). It might not have been as wonderful as I would like it to be, but then I started counting my blessings:
In the Suites Inn, Michael learned his first English words, besides “Yes;” he also had the opportunity of enrolling at his first public school in the U.S.
In this shelter, I had the opportunity to volunteer for the Waltham Creative Head-Start’s playroom time and served as an English translator for the Spanish-only residents (using my limited English vocabulary).  

In this shelter, I learned that it’s Ok to carry my own bubble, I just need to let people in and coexist. In the Suites Inn, Amber Sophia was born, y junto a ella, mi mayor fuerza para salir adelante por mis dos hijos…por mi…for those who need more than a voice, an ally.

At College and Homeless


In 2017, a survey made at the University of Massachusetts, Lowell shows that 5.4% (n=1004) were or have experienced homelessness within the last 5 years. As a social issue, homelessness has been affecting college students’ personal lives and academic performance, making it more difficult for them to successfully fulfill their goals. This paper addresses the effects and stereotypes of homelessness among college students, following the social constructivism framework by recognizing our own background, position, and interpretations shaped by our own experiences (Creswell and Poth, 2018). Suggestions on how by having an ethnographic approach and encouraging participatory research action (PAR) we could shed a light on homelessness on campus.
Keywords: Homelessness, College Students, Social Constructivism, Autoethnography





At College and Homeless
            The U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development describe ‘Homeless’ as “an individual without permanent housing who may live on the streets; stay in a shelter, mission, single room occupancy facilities, abandoned building or vehicle; or in any other unstable or non-permanent situation.” This social issue mostly occurs when individuals are incapable of buying and/or affording a roof over their heads, which could lead them to experience food insecurity, and being at-risk for physical and emotional disorders (Gundersen, Craig; et. al., 2003; Institute of Medicine, 1988; Goodman et. al, 1991). Heartbreaking and/or unexpected incidences can also cause homelessness, such as job loss, divorce and/or family disputes, a house/building fire, untreated mental illness, domestic violence, the loss of loved ones, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), physical disabilities, and natural disasters. Homelessness can also be the effect of structural issues (high housing costs, low household income), personal issues (mental illness, substance abuse, other physical and mental disabilities), and social policies (effectiveness of assisted housing, mental health, and substance abuse programs). Homelessness has also an impact on college campuses across the U.S. In many cases, college students struggle with homelessness due to the lack of support system or a cohesive way to address those who are at-risk of experiencing homelessness or are already experiencing this issue. This paper will focus on how homelessness affects college students, and how can my own personal narrative help in creating more awareness on this matter in order to alleviate and essentially end homelessness on campus, starting with the University of Massachusetts, Lowell.
When I talk about homelessness on campus, for many students the notion of a college student not having a home is impactful and almost impossible for them to grasp. One of the reasons why is due to the concept of homelessness being interpreted as the picture of a person sleeping under a bridge or living in the streets. Stereotypes and the media also plays a key role in increasing the way people ‘box’ homeless persons. With headlines like, “Lowell: Don't give money to panhandlers,” “Lowell Council discusses clearing homeless from Lord Overpass area” (Lowell Sun); “Homeless man charged with beating, robbing elderly victim” (The Eagle Tribute). “Homelessness activists defend campaign to trash Melbourne streets” (Herald Sun); Parents: Dirty needles, condoms litter path near school playground” (King TV), it is easy for anyone, with only has a narrowed idea or tunnel vision of homelessness, to stereotype and negatively affect those who have been facing this unfortunate situation.
People often forget that homelessness does not have a face; homelessness does not discriminate. This social problem can affect anyone, regardless of race/ethnicity, language, social/economic status, religion or ideology, migration status, political party, ability, and geographical location -yes- including college campuses. In this paper, I will be addressing the homeless population at UML and how homelessness affects college students. (1) I will present some data collected by observation and interactions (or fieldnotes), (2) practice reflexivity by reflecting in the past and transcending the present, and (3) employ conscientization through self-learning and critical self-inquiry (Bailey, 2018; Pillow, 2003; Lykes, 2007).

Literature Review
            The National Association for the Education of Homeless Children and Youth claims that about 56,000 students self-reported as homeless on their 2013 annual Free Application for Federal Student Aid (FAFSA) form. Researchers at the University of Wisconsin surveyed more than 4,000 undergrads across 70 community colleges in 24 states. Their findings include the report from 13% of the students describing themselves as homeless (Carapezza, 2017). Gupton (2017) states that “Homelessness is not merely a crisis of inadequate housing; rather, it is an example of the intersection of multiple forms of marginality within systems of inequity.” The New York Times recounts how homelessness is affecting college students in a way that other college students may not be aware of, couch-surfing (Harris, 2017). Gupton (2017) suggests [community] colleges create programs designed to support mobile and homeless students in areas such as academics, psychosocial, and mental health, as well as to reinforce the role of institutional and individual support with the goal of promoting resilience on a college campus. Despite literature on homelessness on campus being limited, the hopes on tackling this issue keep increasing.

Methodological Framework
            The paradigm or interpretive framework underlying my research method is based on both social constructivism and autoethnography. Creswell and Poth (2018) describe this social constructivism as the need of our understanding the world in which we work and live by recognizing our own background, position, and interpretations shaped by our own experiences. Having these frameworks is suitable for my study because it allows me to bring my own historical and cultural background in order to have a holistic approach to my study.
Ethnography, derived from the Greek ethnos (nation or people) and graphia (writing), historically refers to the expressive study of other cultures through a researcher’s immersion in that culture (Dutta, 2014). I chose to have an autoethnographic approach because it creates a moral meaning that moves from the personal to the political, the local to the historical and the cultural, as well as the creation of spaces for ‘give and take’ between my readers and myself (Denzin and Lincoln, 2018).

Reflexibility and Positionality
I was born and raised in the north coast of the Dominican Republic, in a province named Puerto Plata (Silver Port). I identify myself as a heterosexual Afro-Latina, who grew under the beliefs of God and Christianity as part of the values and ethics of my family. My parents have always worked -which means that, as a child, I did not experience extreme poverty compared to other neighboring communities and families. My parents were not rich, but they managed to provide us with food, clothing and making sure we had what we need -although not always what we wanted or desired.
My father, who used to live in the States for over thirty years, met my mom after retiring and flying back home. He then met my mom and, thirty-three years ago, I was born the third and last daughter of their own. Due to my dad being a US citizen, I was privileged to have dual citizenship when I became a naturalized citizen of the US while being an adolescent. I had the choice to leave the country that saw me become a woman; nevertheless, my parents made it easy for me not to even think about that possibility. Another privilege I had in my native country was not worrying about not having a roof over my head and bed where I can rest. When I migrated to the United States, however, my privileges no longer existed -at least for a while.
In 2011, after learning that I was going to become a single parent for the second time, I decided to take a flight to the US without looking back. In the US, I then faced a family situation that prevented me from staying in the place I used to live. I had no other choice than applying for government aid. I walked to the Department of Transitional Assistance located a few blocks from my sisters’ apartment in Revere, MA (before the department moved to Malden). The moment I met with my then social worker, she rolled her eyes and told me “are you pregnant, again?!” like assuming she even know me or insinuating I was another ‘foreigner’ coming to the US with an ‘anchor baby[1].’ Microaggressions like these were part of my daily basis, to the point that I started believing I was nothing more than an individual whose destiny was attached to the mercy or saying of others. I followed the plan -live in a shelter with my son, Michael, until I could manage to get a place on my own after giving birth to Amber Sophia; but this plan was shifted when I started realizing that despite the circumstances or conditions I was living, deep inside me, I do believe that my family of three could do so much more despite having so little.
Dutta (2014) claims that as researchers, we could bring our own world-views and biographies to our study to ensure our understanding of our own positionality and how our identities shape our research. Within the eleven months I lived in the shelter, I gained so many friends, and I was able to provide support to the incoming Latinx families who had language barriers -even with my then basic knowledge of English. It was then where I began to better understand and recognizing my positionality and the political positions that motivated my interest in the topic of homelessness and higher education. Thankfully, my social situation, especially being a college student at UMass Lowell, has helped me in gaining more knowledge about the topic and to use it to create more awareness.
Despite Lowell counting with amazing organizations that have been assisting homeless individuals, such as Lowell Transitional Living Center, House of Hope, Living Waters Center of Hope, I believe its missing focus on addressing homelessness on local colleges and/or universities. Thus, I envision myself working with single mothers who are facing critical struggles in their lives, such as homelessness and not being able to pursue or stay in college. I want to keep learning about ways to help this population and using my experience at school towards my goal of supporting them in a longer term. Having the privilege of being a college student and having met great mentors throughout my college-life, it has shaped the way I envisioned myself helping homeless single mothers -what first was the goal of building a shelter for them in Lowell, it transformed to not only building this place they can call home, but also provide them with mentorship and the support they need towards their independence -and beyond, a bigger goal of expanding this idea to my hometown, Puerto Plata.

Methodological Procedure
In 2017, as part of my Honors thesis/capstone project, I focused on homelessness, food insecurity, and parenting student and how do these issues affect college students (see Appendix A for more information). The project consisted of a survey, a 4-mins documentary, and a presentation of both my findings, the short film, including a panel discussion with community and state leaders[2]. Since the documentary was not filmed at the college nor the student portrayed in the same was part of the UML system, we did not need approval from the Institutional Review Board (IRB). However, knowing how tedious the IRB process can be and how they can keep marginalized people as nameless, faceless, and voiceless (Bradley, 2007), my academic and capstone adviser, Prof. Thompson[3] made sure to rigorously walked me through the same. I followed the UML Institutional Review Board ethics in regard to socio-behavioral research, which included survey, ethnographic, or experimental research where risks to the participants may be minimal and generally related to social or emotional stress or the release of information gathered, rather than direct interaction with the physical body[4]. The survey sent to 9880 undergraduates, and 3611 graduate students, for a total of 13,491 students enrolled at UML in the academic year 2016-17.

Findings
Out of the 1006 Students who completed the survey, 55% Female; 43% Male; 10% LGBTQ+; 72% White/Caucasian; 14% Asian; 11% Hispanic/Latino(a); 5% Black/African American. 5% Active Member or Veteran of the U.S. Armed Forces. In addition, 24% First Generation Students. 5.4% (54 students) had experienced homelessness within the last 5 years[5]: 29 (53.7%) students ages between 18-23 reported experienced homelessness; followed by 17 (31.48%) ages between 24-29, and 4 (7.41%) students ages between 30-35. It was surprising to learn that college students who are between the ages of 18 and 23 have been the most affected by homelessness. Although the survey was focused more on parenting students, comments, and suggestions on how UML can improve the way they address these issues were also inspiring (read more on Appendix D).
Furthermore, having an ethnographic approach, by strengthening my research-researcher relationship with the person who was being filmed, made me realize the importance of letting people talk about their issues instead of us jumping into ‘helping’ based merely on assumptions or stereotypes. I found that a new survey focusing on homelessness at UML should be conducted, along with having more emphasis on mentoring and support of the student population who have been facing homelessness and/or food insecurities.

Dissemination Plans
            I would like to further this study into becoming a project for the next academic year, by giving my participants the chance to have their voices heard while using my own experiences to better understand them by creating a mentoring program between students living on shelters and mentors on campus and the city of Lowell. Furthermore, I would like to conduct a new survey focusing primarily in homelessness at UML and to provide more open-ended questions for my participants. Emulating my capstone project, I would like to present my research to students via a panel/discussion with community leaders on campus and in Lowell, as well as inviting state representatives for them to have an opportunity to exchange ideas and knowledge. Finally, I would like to present my future findings and project to the annual Legislative Action Day, usually hosted at the end of February.

Conclusion
Homelessness has no face. In my hopes to have a more inclusive campus community, I would like to model Creswell and Poth (2018) transformative paradigm as an alternative framework that focuses on the power and social relationships within society. One of the goals for a transformative approach is the act for societal improvement by offering participatory action as well as being influenced by knowledge, power, and social relationships that create opportunities for addressing injustices of marginalized groups or individuals. Participatory action brings together the empowerment of the people being researched and the engaging in active collaboration and representation. Therefore, adopting social constructivism, a transformative framework (participatory action), and by sharing my own experiences with homelessness, I can envision my goals becoming reality while giving a voice to those who have been marginalized, right next to us on campus.

“Let us make our future now, and let us make our dreams tomorrow's reality”
-Malala Yousafzai





 References:

Bailey, C.A. (2018). A guide to qualitative field research. (3rd Ed.). Thousand Oakes, CA: Sage Publications. (pp. 125-142).

Bradley, M. (2007). Silenced for their own protection: How the IRB marginalizes those it feigns to protect. ACME, 6(3), 339-349.

Carapezza, K. (2017). The Number of Hungry and Homeless Students Rises Along with College Costs. NPR.

Creswell, J.W. and Poth, C.N. (2018). Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing Among Five Approaches (4th Ed.) Thousand Oakes, CA: Sage Publications; Ch 2 – Philosophical assumptions and interpretative frameworks

Denzin, N.K. and  Lincoln, Y. (Eds.) (2011). Introduction: The discipline and practice of qualitative research. The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research (4th Ed.). Thousand Oakes, CA: Sage Publications

Dutta, U. (2014). Critical ethnography. In J. Mills and M. Birks (Eds.) Qualitative methodologies: A practical guide. (pp. 89-105). London: SAGE Publications

Fine, M. (2006). Bearing witness: Methods for researching oppression and resistance: A textbook for critical research. Social Justice Research, 19(1), 83-108.

Goodman, L. A., Saxe, L., Harvey, M. (1991). Homelessness as psychological trauma: Broadening perspectives. American Psychologist, 46(11), 1219-1225.

Gundersen, Craig; et. al. (2003). Homelessness and food insecurity. Journal of Housing Economics, 12(3). Elsevier. (pp. 250-272).

Gupton, J. T. (2017). Campus of Opportunity: A Qualitative Analysis of Homeless Students in Community College. Community College Review45(3), 190-214. DOI: 10.1177/0091552117700475

Harris, E. (2017). Behind the Problem of Student Homelessness. The New York Times. Institute of Medicine. (1988). Homelessness, Health, and Human Needs. Washington, DC. The National Academies Press. https://doi.org/10.17226/1092.

Lykes, M.B. and Mallona, A. Towards transformational liberation: Participatory and action research and praxis. In Reason, P., and Bradbury, H. (Eds.) Handbook of Action Research (pp. 106-120).Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications

Pillow, W. (2003). Confession, catharsis, or cure? Rethinking the uses of reflexivity as a methodological power in qualitative research. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 16(2), 175–196.



 Appendix A: UML Parents Club
            The first person who introduced me to the world of Qualitative Research was my sociology professor, Susan Thompson, Ph.D. Terms such ‘participatory action research (PAR),’ ‘reflexibility,’ and ‘fieldnotes’ were part of Thompson’s life. Thompson encouraged me to acknowledge and control my bias and my ‘strong objectivity’ as people to worry they are too close to the topic (Fine 2006). Thanks to her teaching methods and dedication, I not only increased my passion for helping the homeless, food insecure persons, and parenting students, but also helped me in the creation of a new club/organization on campus, UML Parents Club.
The UML Parents Club’s main purpose is to establish the first UML child-friendly organization where current/expectant parents and allies, who are also students at UML or planning on transferring from other institutions, can meet to share resources as well as their own experiences inside and outside UML. The Parents Club goal is to provide them with unique opportunities for community building and professional/personal gain, such as fun/educational activities with their children, and workshops on social/personal topics such as finances, job training / career counseling, homelessness, education, housing opportunities, child care, time management, mental well-being, and so forth. To learn more about the PC, visit  https://umasslowellclubs.campuslabs.com/engage/organization/parentsclub




Appendix B: Capstone/Honors Project Presentation
This presentation was hosted on April 11th, 2017, at O’Leary Library, Room 222, from 2:00 to 3:30 pm. We began the presentation with the screening of the short film, following the results of a survey that was approved by the UML Institutional Review Board (IRB) on November 14th, 2016. We also offered a discussion/panel addressing how UML, Lowell, and the State of Massachusetts are working together to reduce homelessness and food insecurity on campus, and to offer more support for parenting students facing similar situations.
The panel included Associate Dean of Student Affairs for Compliance and Violence Prevention, and Title IX Deputy Coordinator, Annie Ciaraldi; Director of Operations, House of Hope Inc., and Mentor at Budget Buddies, Ms. Julie Lemire; who has been working with the homeless population for over 17 years, also nominated for the First Annual Non-Profit Alliance of Greater Lowell Awards. Also, Deputy Division Director of Adolescent Services at Community Teamwork, Inc (CTI), Dr. Thula Sibanda, Ph.D., who form part of the Merrimack Valley Homeless Young Adult Consortium (MVHYAC), which was formed to create a system of supports and services for young adults in the Merrimack Valley region experiencing homelessness and housing instability. Lastly, (D-MA) State Senator for the Middlesex and Worcester district, and former Chair of Acton Housing Authority, also my mentor, Senator Jamie Eldridge, who last year presented the Bill S.681, or the “College for All,” which has been referred to the Joint Committee on Higher Education. This bill would require the state to cover the cost of all tuition and mandatory curriculum or course fees not covered by state or federal grants through the FAFSA process for eligible students attending a public higher education institution in Massachusetts. Sen. Eldridge has been also my mentor, and to whom I would be forever grateful for all the support he has given to me and my children, since I met him, back in 2015.


Appendix C: “Why do I do what I do?”
February 21, 2018 - The most disturbing to me about society is the lack of sensitivity and empathy not only within some of our politicians and leaders but also our civilians. What truly interest me is working with single mothers who are facing critical struggles in their lives, such as homelessness. I do really want to keep learning about ways to help this population and using my experience at school towards my goal of supporting them. Something that is a puzzle to me is how closed minded some individuals are regarding homelessness -basically, to them, it only means that someone was “irresponsible enough” to end up as a homeless person. Thankfully, my social situation has helped me in gaining more knowledge about the topic and to use it to create more awareness.
I am glad, and truly blessed, to have a mentor who has helped me and guide me to where I am today -he’s a politician; one of the good ones. Sen. James Eldridge has been such a blessing to my family; he has helped me in the process towards my economic independence and has shaped the way I have seen politics and how our voices do matter. He is a great advocate for minorities, undocumented immigrants, homeless individuals, and so forth. My Sociology classes, especially those I took with one of the sweetest and passionate UML professors, Prof. Susan Thomson, has increased my passion of giving back to the community.
Like Sen. Eldridge, who also lives in the same town she does, prof. Thomson has shaped the way I envisioned myself helping homeless single mothers. What first was the goal of building a shelter for them in Lowell, it transformed to not only building this place that they can call home, but also provide them with mentorship and the support they need towards their independence -beyond that, I want to expand this idea to my hometown, Puerto Plata, in my native country, the Dominican Republic. Although I have a clear idea of my topic, it is still difficult or challenging for me to learn the ‘behind scenes’ of a place like this. Nevertheless, I like to learn, and I will continue doing so.




Appendix D: Survey Findings





[1] “People, namely women, come to the United States illegally and give birth to children, generally for the specific purpose of bolstering legal attempts of the child's parents remain in the United States or even become citizens themselves. Looser definitions suggest "anchor babies" can simply be intended to help illegal-immigrant parents access taxpayer-financed public education and/or social services through their citizen children -- another political hot button, to be sure. (Even here, the law limits those benefits to the children themselves.).” Ross, Janell. 2015. “The myth of the ‘anchor baby’ deportation defense.” The Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2015/08/20/the-myth-of-the-anchor-baby-deportation-defense/?utm_term=.43ac8cd72338
[2] Refer to Appendix B for flyer and information
[3] See Appendix C to learn more about Prof. Thomson
[4] IRB also addresses ethical considerations such as breach of confidentiality; invasion of privacy; embarrassment; risk to reputation, employability, or insurability. Informed consent is sought from each prospective subject or their legally authorized representative, in accordance with, and to the extent required by Sec. 46.116.
[5] See Appendix D for survey tables

A Sense of Community: Community & Community Psychology

Image source: Psychologists for Social Change 

My description of Community became more cohesive than the one I offered at the beginning of our class. Although I have gained some knowledge about defining community and community-engaged work through my previous course, I appreciate the way this class was conducted by focusing not only on exploring the definition and never-ending meaning of community but also how community psychologists have been shaping the way we understand communities. When describing Community at the beginning of the semester, I stated that it [is] ‘a group of people sharing common attitudes and/or goals.’ Then, I added some historical background, followed by a brief representation and concept of community within the community psychology framework of seeking social justice, transformation, and social action. However, when referring to a community in community social psychology, Nelson and Prilleltensky (2010) concentrate on the sense of community and social capita.
Having a sense of community refers to our needs for affiliation in times of grief or loneliness, needs for sharing positive experiences, and the needs for having emotional connections; it can be measured and discussed at the group or neighborhood level (Nelson and Prilleltensky, 2010). Montero and Sonn (2016) state that the main link with community psychology has been “through work with disadvantaged people and communities, helping in the gaining of critical consciousness, unmasking and challenging dominant ideology, in dialogue with people’s awakening critical voices” (pp. 163).
In Audre Lorde’s book, Zami: A New Spelling of My Name, the author recounts how not having a sense of community nor support system, on top of being a victim of systematic oppression shaped her life. “Most Black lesbians were closeted, correctly recognizing the Black community’s lack of interest in our position, as well as the many more immediate threats to our survival as Black people in a racist society. It was hard enough to be Black, female, and gay” (pp. 224). Community psychologists and communities, in general, should practice promoting a sense of community to the communities we are supporting, especially minorities who have been historically marginalized and ridiculed by their skin color or ethnicity, accent, sexual orientation, gender, religious or spiritual views, and social status. By doing so, we can positively affect and mobilize their residents and inspire others to adopt or vie this framework or method.
Another example on community and sense of belonging is offered in Gonzalez (2016) book, Lives in Limbo: Undocumented and Coming of Age in America. Gonzales tells the story of undocumented college-goers who faced a crude reality of the so-called ‘American Dream.’ These undocumented college students were being discriminated and embarrassed not only by other students but also college staff. Gonzales presents the story of a young lady who when being asked about her legal status, an administrative staff asked, “How much did you pay for the coyote to come over here?” (pp. 163). This embarrassment led the young lady to put college aside for a full year. Upon her return and thank staff who encouraged others to promote a sense of community, belonging and inclusion, Gonzales states that it enabled many students to “combat the damaging stigma” and to become more self-confident in their claims of affiliation and belonging (pp. 174).

Building Social Capita: My understanding of Community-engaged Work
To successfully participate in community-engaged work, have learned that it is important to have participation from the community were planning to work with. Their voices and input matter and great outcomes can arise when we work together. Participating in community-engage work also helps us build or strengthen social capita, which is known as collective resources consisting in social networks, mutual aid or civic participation, norms of reciprocity, trustworthiness, and actions to improve the common good (Nelson and Prilleltensky, 2010; Putman and Feldstein, 2003). An example of how impactful promoting community empowerment and engagement can be, Putman and Feldstein (2003) relates how a community sat down together to discuss their issues on the wellbeing of their neighborhood, and then offered possible solutions that led to the creation of community gardens, arts displays, and a playground for the children in the community.
To better address communities, we have learned that we ought to emerge in community-engage work by focusing on the community strengths instead of only addressing their issues and needs.  Nelson and Prilleltensky (2010) encourage their readers to focus on community strengths rather than ‘deficits’ because, “it enables people to build upon their pre-existing resources, capacities, and talents” (pp. 6). In order to do community-engaged work, we should employ a desire-based framework as an ‘antidote’ for the poisonous research that brings down communities or frames them as ‘broken and conquered’ (Tuck, 2009). Tuck (2009) states that by having a desire-based approach, we would understand “complexity, contradiction, and self-determination of lived lives” (pp. 416).
Furthermore, what I now understand by community-engage work is working for and with communities while practicing the reexamination of our own’s identity and privileges. This reexamination process is called reflexivity which is used as a tool needed to ‘unpack privilege,’ and is known as the ability to reflect on the past and the future to impact the future, and transcend the present (Nelson and Prilleltensky, 2010; Pillow, 2003). Critical reflexivity, in the same way, transcend the individual level self-awareness, requiring constant evaluating the ways we contribute to both liberation and oppression by being devoted to transformative research and action (Reyes & Sonn, 2011).
Overall, I would like to conclude by quoting Reyes and Sonn (2011), “We believe community psychology can and should make important contributions to the study of cultural matters by revealing and addressing the experiential intersections between culture, power, and empowerment in everyday contexts.”



Annotated Bibliography

Nelson, G., Prilleltensky, I., (2010). Community Psychology: In Pursuit of Liberation and Well-Being (2nd ed.). Palgrave MacMillian. New York.
I read this book in my preview semester. The authors, Geoffrey Nelson, and Isaac Prilleltensky focus on the history of foundations, issues, values, interventions, and accountability of Community Psychology. Throughout the book, the term Community Psychology is being addressed as a tool for action for issues such as marginalization, globalization, poverty, colonization, racism, immigration, gender, power and privilege, ableism, and disadvantaged children, to mention a few. Nelson and Prilleltensky describe this book as their journey and work in progress and provide their readers with an overview or in-depth introduction of Community Psychology from critical perspectives to praxis as a transformative action. I chose this book because it relates to most of the articles we have read during this semester. Especially, to the ones focusing on damage-based research vs. desire-based framework.

Gonzales, R. G., (2016). Lives in Limbo: Undocumented and Coming Age in America. University of California Press, 149-175.
Lives in Limbo is defined as “An important examination of the devastating consequences of ‘illegality’ on our young people” (Junot Diaz). Each chapter illustrates stories of struggles versus perseverance, as well as the injustices faced by Latinos and Latinas who come to the United States ‘illegally.’ In the example I used, I’m telling the story on incoming college students who were also undocumented. “College-Goers: Managing the Distance between Aspirations and Reality” relates how this population face discrimination, isolation, hardships, and lack of sense of community and belonging when deciding to pursue a higher education. These students also faced embarrassment through the college financial and administrative departments. For them, college not only was a path to success and making their family proud, but one of desolation, struggles, and disappointments.

Lorde, A. (1982). Zami: A New Spelling of My Name. Crossing Press. New York.
Lorde’s memoir, or biomythography (the combination of biography, myth, and history in a narrative form), relates the childhood, adolescence and young adulthood of Audre Lorde. This book provides historical context on racism, injustice, systematic oppression, segregation, as well as gender identity in a way that evokes a wide range of emotions (sad, anger, love, intrigue, disgusts, and so forth) from the readers. From her relationship with her mother to her friends, and her first love, Lorde learns about herself, her positionality and limited privileges, as she becomes more self-confident and more aware of the power of her voice as a Black, lesbian woman.

Montero, M., Sonn, C. C., and Burton, M. (2017). Community psychology and liberation            Psychology: A creative synergy for an ethical and transformative praxis. In M. A. Bond, I. Serrano-García, and C. B. Keys (Eds), APA Handbook of Community Psychology: Vol. 1. Theoretical foundations, core concepts, and emerging challenges, (pp. 149-167). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.
Montero, et. al. discusses the development of liberation across nations. Produced by victims of oppression, the authors discuss how psychologists work towards liberation by constructing, engaging, and promoting liberated consciousness as a new way to help those who have overcome or have been experiencing oppression, including their allies or supporters. By working with disadvantaged people and communities via opportunities for the practice of critical consciousness, Montero relates that this adds to the awakening of critical voices as well as exposing and challenging dominant ideologies.

Pillow, W. (2003). Confession, catharsis, or cure? Rethinking the uses of reflexivity as a methodological power in qualitative research. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 16(2), 175–196.
            In this article, Pillow thoroughly explains the role of reflexivity as a methodological tool that intersects with debates and questions surrounding representation and legitimization in qualitative research. First, she breaks down the definition of reflexivity by the method that requires the researcher to be critically conscious or self-aware of one’s self-location or identity, position, and interests because they could influence all stages of the research process. Pillow then discusses the problematics of four common trends in present-day uses of reflexivity:
·       Reflexivity as recognition of self: the ability of the researchers to know their own subjectivity and to make this bias known to the reader through exposé is partial and limiting.
·       Reflexivity as recognition of other: the ability to reflexively deliberate the issues of representation as a privileged space from which to work.
·       Reflexivity as truth: to continue to position the researcher’s own need and longing for “truth” as their main goal.
·       Reflexivity as transcendence: the idea that, through reflexivity, we can transcend our own bias and cultural background in a way that release us from the weight of (mis)representations.

Putnam, R. and Feldstein, L (2004). Better Together: Restoring the American Community. Simon and Schuster Paperback edition. New York. 78-79.
This book provides stories, insights, and approaches for social activism, community mobilization, community revitalization, and ‘nesting.’ Putnam and Feldstein tell a handful of stories from around the US, highlighting the cultivation of networks, the power of our voices, community empowerment, and involvement, as well as the creation of opportunities for community development. I chose to talk about the story told in Chapter 4, “The Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative.” The community went door by door introducing themselves, as they work on their mutual understanding. Despite having differences (race, age, abilities, and religion), this community adopts the ‘nesting’ method of bridging and bonding together for the greater good. Just like their community leader, Julio Henriquez stated, “…if you live in a neighborhood where people care about each other, you can recover from anything” (pp. 86).

Reyes Cruz, M. Sonn, C. C. (2011). (De)colonizing culture in community psychology: Reflections from critical social science. American Journal of Community Psychology47(1-2), 203–14.
In their pursuit of decolonizing culture in community psychology, Reyes and Sonn address culture as being historically attached to issues of oppression, power, and privilege. The authors claim that community psychologists must opt for critical reflection and be committed to their departure from colonizing methods to the marginalized (those who they called ‘others’ and ‘othering’). From a decolonizing point-of-view, Reyes and Sonn provide opportunities or insights to alternatives methodologies to engage with community research, teaching, and participation. By choosing to de-centering the dominance of Western, the author foresaw new chances to involve advanced practices to attain social justice and transformative research in order to provide social transformation.

Tuck, E. (2009). Suspending damage: A letter to communities. Harvard Educational Review, 79(3), 409–428.
In this open letter, Tuck encourages communities, educators and researchers to rethink, reframe and critically examine the ways [we] tell the stories of communities and individuals, especially when [we] fall into the ‘damaged-framework’ of portraying communities as ‘broken.’
·       Damage-centered research: Tuck describe this framework as a research that operates from a theory of change that establishes harm or injury in order to achieve reparation. Using more than 400 years of research made in the United States, as an example, many researchers have been known for choosing damage-centered research, sometimes even unintentionally, when exploring and exploiting Native lands, as well as when referring to colonization and domination to explain “contemporary brokenness” (low literary, poor health, and poverty). Tuck claims that this kind of research operates with a flawed theory of change, which is often used as a way to influence the readers and stakeholders to provide more resources for marginalized communities yet simultaneously reinforces a one-dimensional notion of these people as depleted, ruined, and hopeless.

·       Desire-based framework. Tuck encourage [us] to use this method as an antidote to damage-centered research that frameworks communities as damaged. She states that educational researches ought to foresee alternative theories of change, and that [we] must position ourselves differently, both from the ways we did traditionally and under colonial domination (also known as regeneration), and to begin “shifting the discourse away from damage and toward desire and complexity.”

Social Policy and Racism: Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF)

The Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program is designed to help disadvantaged or low-income families achieve self-sufficiency. TANF is administered by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), and its purposes are “to provide assistance to needy families” so that children can be cared for in their own homes; “reduce the dependency of needy parents” by promoting job preparation, work and marriage; prevent and reduce “the incidence of out-of-wedlock pregnancies;” and encourage “the formation and maintenance of two-parent families” (Administration for Children & Families ACF). Because TANF is mainly known as the program that distributes cash to eligible individuals/families, many individuals oppose this safety-net under the idea of people, who are benefiting from the program, “scamming the system,” among other premises and/or stereotypes.  But what’s the truth behind TANF as a social problem? How and why is this safety-net program linked to racism? Using the policy analysis framework from the Jimenez et al. (2015), we will explore how racism shaped the implementation of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), the systemic and/or disproportionate effects of the policy related to race; and discuss the policy implementation more explicitly.

TANF AS A SOCIAL PROBLEM
The Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) block grant was created by the 1996 welfare reform law. The social problem that the policy seeks to address focuses on poverty and helping families become more self-sufficient and independent. In pursuing these goals, the TANF reform focuses on whether and how much single parents, especially non-white mothers, should be expected to work and if, by providing disincentives to work and raise children in two-parent families, the program itself contributed to dependency (Falk 2017). In 1996, president Bill Clinton changed TANF “as we know it,” under the premises that the legislation was estimated to save about $54 billion over six years, mainly via the reduction of the food stamp program as well as from benefit cuts to non-citizen who were legal immigrants.
A social problem is as a condition that harms a significant number of people or society. Since its beginning, TANF has been contributing to systemic racism, mostly harming people of color in particular. In the article, “How racism has shaped welfare policy in America since 1935,” Alma Carten (2016) explains that black Americans were victims of pervasive racial discrimination in employment during the 30s and 40s when they typically worked in unskilled jobs, paid in cash and “off the books,” which made them ineligible for social insurance programs that required contributions through payroll taxes. Carten (2016) states that the criteria for eligibility and need were state-determined, “so blacks continued to be barred from full participation because the country operated under the ‘separate but equal’ doctrine adopted by the Supreme Court in 1896.” Nowadays, TANF has affected single mothers due to strict work requirements over two years of receiving benefits, and fathers who did not pay child support were threatened with imprisonment. Furthermore, TANF has also created social and racial tension, such as opposers asking whether or not welfare recipients should get drug testing.

POLICY OBJECTIVES
TANF policy objectives and goals focus on alleviating and preventing poverty among children and families and to create effective pathways to economic opportunity, “including subsidized jobs, access to mainstream education and training and individualized services for those with barriers to employment” (Lower-Basch 2013:2). TANF target population is families in poverty. However, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities claim that in 1996, 68 families received cash assistance for every 100 in poverty. Then, since last time TANF was reauthorized in 1996, the number reduced to 31 families for every 100 families in poverty, followed by 2016, when for every 100 families in poverty, just 23 families received TANF cash assistance (See Appendix A).
Despite research finding white as the most beneficiaries of the government safety net, TANF recipients, particularly racial minorities, often face implicit assumptions that seem to drive the policy. While the explicit racial language in public policies is both illegal and rare today, researchers have found implicit assumptions about racial minorities that seem to drive the TANF policy. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva claims that examination of welfare leavers since the 1996 welfare reform laws indicate that “white privilege operates even at low-level service jobs [and that] employers were less likely to hire black than white welfare leavers and paid the black welfare leavers they did hire less” (2011:56). In the same way, William Wilson states that there is a widespread notion in the United States that “the problems plaguing people of color in the inner city have little to do with racial discrimination or the effects of living in segregated poverty [and] tend to deemphasize the structural origins and social significance of poverty and welfare” (2011:20). In other words, people who think this way, essentially believe that people are on welfare due to their own fault.
In the article, “Why Welfare is Racist,” Frances Fox Piven (2003) states that policies to assist the poor “will be designed to shore up racial hierarchy” (323). Furthermore, Fox Piven claims that “when racial difference is thus joined to economic and social degradation, racial prejudice flourishes… the implementation of TANF thus creates its own theater of racial degradation” (2003:334). One of the ten worst cases of welfare fraud that created these ‘theater’ of racial tension was the case of Linda Taylor, best known as “the Welfare Queen´ and the subject of many of Ronald Reagan's 1976 presidential campaign speech narratives. Some people believe that the Welfare Queen was a “racist malarkey—a coded reference to black indolence and criminality designed to appeal to working-class whites” (Levin:2013). Taylor, whose real name was Martha Miller, was listed as White in the 1930 and 1940 census, but due to her darker skin and darker hair, plus Reagan’s rhetoric, many people believed she was black, native American, and/or Asian, thus creating racial tension and stereotypes about minorities.

POLICY IMPLEMENTATION
One of TANF objectives is to support single parents with children, especially single, non-white mothers. By providing health insurance and free lunches at school, as well as offering tax credits to parents, federal policymakers have made reducing poverty among children. However, as Caroline Fredrickson states, “one of the ways to fall from the middle class into poverty, or from poverty into destitution, is to have children” (2015:148).  In her book, Under the Bus, Fredrickson also mentions how the child care policy allows mothers to work, but there was no warranty that eligible children will be taken care of. In consequence, many mothers, especially Black and Latinas were losing their jobs and staying in the same loop of poverty. There also the question on whether or not welfare policies have effects on abortion rates. Nevertheless, as Fredrickson narrates, women, in particular, were being penalized for having babies due to the lack of support from policies like the Child Care and Development Block Grant that came out of the welfare reform.
Since 1996, TANF has been set at $16.5 billion each year since 1996; as a consequence and due to inflation, its value has fallen by almost 40 percent (Center on Budget and Policy Priorities). According to an information memorandum from the U.S. Department of Health & Human Services’ Office of Family Assistance, one of the challenges TANF faces is employment. The memorandum states that,
While work requirements in TANF have encouraged custodial parents receiving assistance to pursue employment, increasing work among noncustodial parents, who are typically fathers, remains a significant challenge. When noncustodial parents are out of the labor force, they suffer a decrease in life satisfaction and their families suffer from a lack of reliable child support payments. Helping needy families rise out of poverty and dependence on government benefits through employment and reliable child support payments is a central tenet of TANF.
In response, DHH proposed extending employment services to noncustodial parents (64 Fed. Reg. 17725, dated April 12, 1999). Overall, families receiving TANF cash assistance must be engaged in a work/training or educational activity for at least 30 hours a week, and 20 hours for single parents with children under the age of 6. Yet, the educational activity excludes parents who are pursuing their graduate-level programs, including undergrads part of a medical school.

OUTCOMES AND ANALYSIS
As Roberta Rehner Iversen claims, “implementation problems resulting from faulty logic in TANF policy influenced and were compounded by barriers resulting from organizational and personnel incompetence” (2000:145). In this policy analysis, we explored how racism shaped the implementation of the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), the systemic and/or disproportionate effects of the policy related to race; and discussed the policy implementation more explicitly. We learned that there is still so much to do regarding supporting poor families, especially minorities, in becoming more self-sufficient and less dependent on public assistance or welfare.
Nevertheless, despite the walls being put to the population this policy is intended to help, especially non-whites, TANF families have shown strength and resilience. Therefore, why not bringing people who benefit from this program to the table so policy-makers can take notes using real people’s experiences and stories of struggles, challenges, and successes instead of only focusing on numbers gathered from data?


Works Cited
Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo. Dietrich, David. “The New Racism: The Racial Regime of Post-Civil
Rights America.” Pp. 41-67 in Covert Racism: theories, institutions, and experiences, edited by Coates, Rodney D. 2011. V.32. Leiden, The Netherlands: Koninklijke Brill NV. Retrieved October 16, 2018 (http://dlib.scu.ac.ir/bitstream/Hannan/468240/1/9789004203655.pdf).
Carten, Alma. 2016. “How racism has shaped welfare policy in America since 1935.” The
Falk, Gene. 2007. “The Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) Block Grant: A
Legislative History.” Congressional Research Service. Retrieved October 10, 2018 (https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44668.pdf).
Fox Piven, Frances. 2003. “Why Welfare is Racist.” Pp. 323-335 in Race and The Politics of
Welfare Reform, edited by Schram, Soss, and Fording. Michigan: The University of Michigan Press.
Fredrickson, Caroline. 2015. Under the Bus. New York, NY: The New Press.
Iversen, Roberta Rehner. 2000. "TANF Policy Implementation: The Invisible Barrier, "The
            Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare
: Vol.27: Iss. 2, Article 8. Available at: 
Levin, Josh. 2013. “The Welfare Queen.” Slate. Retrieved October 10, 2018
Lower-Basch, Elizabeth. 2013. TANF Policy Brief. Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP).
Wilson, William J. 2011. “The Impact of Racial and Nonracial Structural Forces on Poor Urban
Blacks.” Pp. 20-40 in Covert Racism: theories, institutions, and experiences, edited by Coates, Rodney D. 2011. V.32. Leiden, The Netherlands: Koninklijke Brill NV. Retrieved October 16, 2018 (http://dlib.scu.ac.ir/bitstream/Hannan/468240/1/9789004203655.pdf).



APPENDIX A: TANF CASH ASSISTANCE

Resoluciones: ¿desilusiones o inspiraciones?

Resoluciones: Desilusiones. Compromisos sin fundamentos; Solo voces al firmamento. Resoluciones: Inspiraciones. El día a dí...